SB 483 
.C5 C4 
1911 
Copy 1 



P 



THE PARK GOVERNMENTS 
OF CHICAGO 



GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 

OF 
A REPORT PREPARED BY THE 
CHICAGO BUREAU OF PUBLIC EFFICIENCY 



DECEMBER. 19 






PRIOR PUBLICATIONS 



* V 1 Method oi Preparing and AdminiBtering the Budget of Oook County, 
Illinois, January, 1911. 



v/ 



2 Proposed Purchase of Voting Machines hy the Board of Election 

Commissioners of the City of Chicago. May, 1911. 

3 Street Pavement Laid in the City of Chicago: An Inquiry Into 

Paving Materials, Methods and Besults. June, 1911. (Out of 
Print.) 



y 4 Electrolysis of Water Pipes in the City of Chicago. July, 1911. (Out 
of Print.) 

. . 5 Administration of the Office of Eecorder of Cook County, Illinois. 
September, 1911, 

6 A Plea for Publicity in the Office of County Treasurer. October, 

1911. 

7 Bepairing Asphalt Pavement*. Work Done for the City of Chicago 

Under Contract in 1911. October, 1911. 

8 The Municipal Court Acts: Two Related Propositions Upon Which 

the Voters of Chicago Will Be Asked to Pass Judgment at the 
Election of November 7— Vote No. October 31, 1911. 

9 The Water Works Sjrstem of the City of Chicago. By Dabney H. 

Maury. December, 1911. 

10 Bureau of Streets; Civil Service Conmiission; and Special Assess- 

ment Accounting System of the City of Chicago. December, 
1911. 

11 Administration of the Office of Coroner of Cook County, Ulinote. 

December, 1911. 

12 Administration of the Office of Sheriff of Cook County, Illinois. De- 

cember, 1911. 

13 Administration of the Office of Clerk of the Circuit Court and of the 

Office of Clerk of the Superior Court of Cook County, Illinois. 
December, 1911. 

V' 14 The Judges and the County Pee Offices. December 19, 1911. 



4/ 



THE PARK GOVERNMENTS 
OF CHICAGO 



GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 

OF 
A REPORT PREPARED BY THE 
CHICAGO BUREAU OF PUBLIC EFFICIENCY 

315 PLYMOUTH COURT 






CHICAGO BUREAU 

OF 

PUBLIC EFFICIENCY 



TRUSTEES 



Julius Rosenwald, Chairman 
Alfred L. Baker, Treasurer 

Onward Bates Charles R. Crane 

Clyde M. Carr Henry B. Favill 

George G. Tunell Walter L. Fisher 

Charles E. Merriam 



Herbert R. Sands, Director 

George C. Sikes, Secretary 

Peter White, Fiscal and Organization Counsel 

Harris S. Keeler, Legal Counsel 

om 

Publiafeer 

fu u tail 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



Page. 
INTRODUCTION 4 

GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 5 

I. Waste and Inefficiency the Natural Consequences 

of Lack of Unity 5 

II. General Characterizations of the Separate Park 

Systems 7 

1. The South Park System 7 

2. The West Park System 8 

3. The Lincoln Park System 11 

4. The Smaller Park Districts 11 

III. Publicity for Park Board Affairs 12 

IV. Financial Matters 13 

V. Improvements Pending Unification 14 

Chart of Organization Under Consolidation, as Suggested 

by the Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency 

Insert Back Cover 

Map Showing Park Districts and Parks Within the City of 
Chicago Insert Back Cover 



/^ 



INTRODUCTION 



\ 

The Chicago Bureau of PubHc Efficiency has prepared and 
published a report on the park governments of Chicago, giving 
the results of an extensive inquiry into their organization and 
methods of administration. 

The full text of the report, copies of which may be had upon 
request by persons desiring it, contains much detailed matter, of 
interest chiefly to those directly concerned in park work and 
activities. The main features of the report, from the viewpoint 
of the public at large, have been brought together under the head- 
ing, "General Summary and Conclusions," and are published in 
this pamphlet for the purpose of popular distribution. 



GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 



I. WASTE AND INEFFICIENCY THE NATURAL CONSEQUENCES 
OF LACK OF UNITY 

Under separate management, each of the three large park 
systems of Chicago has points of excellence — the South Park 
and Lincoln Park systems more than the West Park system. 
From the viewpoint of the community as a whole, however, there 
is not only much waste and inefficiency in connection with expen- 
ditures of park funds, but the needs of the people for park facili- 
ties are not properly met, nor can they be, so long as the present 
lack of unified management continues. 

There are ten separate park boards within the City of Chi- 
cago — not counting the Special Park Commission, which is an 
arm of the city government, nor the Forest Preserve Commission, 
intended to have taxing authority over the entire County of 
Cook, the act creating which has been declared unconstitutional. 
There are portions of the City of Chicago that are not 
within any of the ten separate park districts. The names of 
these ten boards, the amount of the outstanding bonded indebt- 
edness and of the annual tax levy of each are given in the follow- 
ing tabular statement : ^^^^j ^^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^ 

Indebtedness at End by County- 

Park District of Fiscal Year 1910 Clerk for 1910 

South $ 5.920,000.00 $2,601,159 

West 2,763,166.66 1,437,263 

Lincoln *1,790,000.00 990,239 

Calumet 1 12 

Fernwood *13,000.00 3,867 

Irving 9,256 

North Shore 32,000.00 10,506 

Northwest ** 

Ridge 32,500.00 6,542 

Ridge Avenue 3,544 

$10,550,666.66 $5,062,488 
Special Park Commission — Appropria- 
tion by City Council for 1910 130,102 

$10,550,666.66 $5,192,590 

Less: Sinking Fund (See below) 470,458.81 

Net Indebtedness $10,080,207.85 



♦Sinking funds held ag-ainst these bonds as follows: 

Lincoln $470,000.00. Fernwood S4S8.81. 

**This park district was not organized until 1911. 



6 Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency 

It was in 1869 that legislative action was secured looking to 
the creation of the three large park systems, one for each divi- 
sion of the city. The seven smaller park districts, comprising 
territory within the city, but not under the jurisdiction of the 
South, West or Lincoln Park Boards, have come into existence 
under authority of an act of the Legislature passed in 1895. 

By legislative action of the late 50's and early 60's Chicago 
was dealt with as three divisions for street railway purposes. 
This was a serious mistake and has been productive of great 
harm, as the community now realizes. Pressure of public opinion 
is being exerted to force the unification of local transportation 
lines. The separation of the city into park divisions by the legis- 
lation of 1869, following close upon the harmful example set by 
the street railway legislation of a few years before, was likewise 
a mistake. Chicago, for park purposes, as well as for trans- 
portation purposes, should be treated as one community, not 
three or more. All the park governments should be merged with 
the city. 

Park revenues and benefits ought to be distributed over the 
community more equitably. Under present conditions the South 
Park Commissioners have more money than they know what to 
do with. They carry excessively large balances in the banks and 
expend funds wastefully on a large scale. The West Chicago 
Park Commissioners, who are wasteful in petty ways, really 
have not the funds with which to make adequate provision for 
the park and playground needs of the territory under their 
jurisdiction. 

It is estimated that unification of park activities under the 
city government would mean a money saving of $500,000 a year. 
This is about four times the amount of the appropriation for 
1910 of the Special Park Commission of the city, and over 
two-thirds as much as this body has spent during the entire ten- 
year period of its useful existence. The sum that might be 
saved each year by consolidation is approximately half as much 
as the annual tax levy of the Lincoln Park Board, and one-third 
that of the West Park Board. 



The Park Governments of Chicago 

II. GENERAL CHARACTERIZATIONS OF THE SEPARATE 
PARK SYSTEMS 



1. The South Park System, 

In many ways the administration of the South Park system 
is excellent. The standards of public service in the main are 
high. This board carries on directly a larger proportion of its 
activities than any other municipal government in the commu- 
nity, and for the most part with satisfactory results. The enter- 
prise manifested in the development and successful management 
of small park and playground facilities has elicited world-wide 
commendation. The improvement of Michigan Avenue and the 
development of Grant Park are undertakings that have excited 
the pride of the entire city by their prospective magnificence. 

In certain respects, however, the South Park Board has 
been wasteful on a large scale. With more revenue than all the 
other park agencies of the city combined, it has embarked upon 
unwise projects that would hardly have been undertaken but for 
the abundance of funds at its disposal. 

During the five years ending April 1, 1911, the South Park 
Board had on deposit in bank never less than $1,000,000. The 
monthly average of the deposits during the period was approxi- 
mately $1,800,000. It is wasteful to carry such large deposits in 
bank at comparatively low interest rates, while the Board is pay- 
ing much higher interest rates on money borrowed. Savings 
could have been effected by delaying the sale of bonds until 
nearer the time that the money was needed. 

The South Park Board insisted upon building a new steam- 
driven electric plant of its own at the very time that the West 
Chicago and Lincoln Park Boards were entering into contracts 
with the Sanitary District for the supply of electric current. The 
new plant was put into operation January 31, 1908. The cost of 
current per kilowatt-hour for the year ending November 30, 1910, 
was 1.559 cents. In April, 1911, a five-year contract was made 
with the Sanitary District for the delivery of electric current at 
a price of three-quarters of a cent a kilowatt-hour. The failure 
of the South Park Board to co-operate earlier with the Sanitary 
District resulted in a needless expenditure for this steam-driven 



8 Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency 

electric plant of approximately $319,000. Accountants of the 
Park Board gave this sum as the investment that would not have 
had to be made if the Board had decided earlier to purchase from 
the Sanitary District electric current used in the South Park 
system. 

The site of Marquette Park was purchased in 1903 and 1904 
at a cost of $267,733. It has been since improved at a cost of 
$305,943. The area around this park is sparsely settled. The 
park is little used. It is not yet needed in the neighborhood. Its 
improvement long in advance of the need was unwise. The in- 
terest on the bonds issued for this improvement, amounting to 
over $12,000 a year, must therefore be characterized as a waste- 
ful expenditure. Moreover, the improved portion of the park 
causes a current expense for maintenance. 

Another expenditure deserving criticism was that for the 
new administration building, erected in Washington Park at a 
cost of $173,417. The old building could have been enlarged and 
made serviceable at a cost of less than $30,000, thus making pos- 
sible a saving of about $145,000. The wisdom of locating in a 
pubHc park such a costly and conspicuous structure for adminis- 
trative purposes is questionable in any event. But in view of 
the likelihood of park consolidation, after which the main admin- 
istrative functions would be centered in the City Hall, the expen- 
diture of so large a sum on an administrative building must be 
regarded as clearly unwise. The public should be on the alert 
to prevent any similar expenditures that are inconsistent with the 
program of merging all Park Boards with the city. 

2. The West Park System. 
The West Park system has a varied history. Political man- 
agement, extending over several administrations, brought about 
demoralization. A few years ago, under the presidency of Mr. 
B. A. Eckhart, and the superintendency of Mr. Jens Jensen, there 
was a complete reversal of policy. These two men effected revo- 
lutionary changes in park management and wrought great im- 
provements. Following the retirement of Mr. Eckhart as Presi- 
dent and of Mr. Jensen as Superintendent, there has been retro- 
gression. The dominating control at the present time is political. 



The Park Governments of Chicago 9 

The actual directing head of the West Park system is not the 
Superintendent, but the Secretary, who is primarily a politician. 
The note of political control is more pronounced in the West 
Park system than in either the South Park system or the Lincoln 
Park system. The Commissioners and the Secretary have sought 
to avoid the scandals that characterized the administrations prior 
to Mr. Eckhart's time. Apparently they are trying to do as well 
as they can without eliminating political considerations in park 
management. They are striving to meet the needs of the district 
for additional park and playground facilities, in which they are 
hampered because the revenues are not commensurate with the 
needs. Instances of inefficiency, unbusinesslike methods and 
waste on a small scale are certain to develop, however, when 
political motives are allowed to enter in park management. 

A few such instances, illustrative of the point in question, are 
presented herewith. 

William Holliday, a mechanic employed to repair automo- 
biles, was carried on the payroll for 243 continuous days, Sundays 
and holidays included, for 10 hours a day at 70 cents an hour. 
Holliday's bills were paid at once, without proof of their correct- 
ness. Moreover, $395 was advanced to him from the contingent 
fund. On March 1, 1911, Holliday was placed on the payroll 
at $4.50 a day. On September 1, last, he was still on the payroll, 
but no deduction had been made from his wages on account of 
the $395 over-payment. Automobile parts and supplies used by 
Holliday in repair work were purchased by him personally. On 
September 1, 1911, $9,212.52 had been paid Holliday in cash, of 
which $5,111.27 was for supplies and parts. The reason given 
for allowing Holliday to make these purchases was that he could 
secure a larger discount than the Park Board, which he would 
divide with the Board. Examinations made by the Bureau indi- 
cate that Holliday not only charged the Board full price for 
articles on which he obtained a discount, but in some cases he 
charged the Board more than the list prices in the printed cata- 
logues of the dealers. He was paid by the Board $30 for a cylin- 
der which an auto company furnished him free of charge. More- 
over, the park records show no refunds or credits for articles 
which Holliday returned unused, and for which he received either 



10 Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency 

cash or a credit on other purchases. The transactions of the 
West Park Board with HolHday furnish a striking example of 
waste of pubHc funds. 

In April, 1911, employes of the West Park Board were used 
for several days to do work about a political club house, of which 
club the Attorney of the West Park Board is president. They 
were engaged in sodding the lawn and in trimming and planting 
trees. The sod was brought to the club house in a West Park 
wagon. Bureau investigators observed the West Park Attorney 
directing the work of the park employes on the club house 
grounds. 

The South Park Board and the Lincoln Park Board each 
has one attorney. The West Park Board has a $3,000 attorney, 
an $1,850 assistant, a $1,200 stenographer and special counsel 
when occasion requires. The stenographer, instead of making 
his headquarters at the administration building of the park sys- 
tem, occupies a part of the downtown office of the park attorney, 
where his name appears on the door as a practicing lawyer. 

Joseph P. Kinsella, a member of the Illinois Legislature, and 
brother-in-law of the Republican committeeman for the Sixteenth 
Ward, has held for several years a very favorable concession in 
Humboldt Park, granted him without advertising or public bids. 
Mr. Kinsella pays the Park Board $600 a year. In return he gets 
living quarters for himself and family in the park building, with 
light and heat. In addition to the right to maintain refectory 
service in the pavilion, he is allowed to operate candy stands 
throughout Humboldt Park. Kinsella has also operated a pay 
cloak room, rented skates, sold skate straps, and was allowed to 
keep a piano in the assembly hall, for the use of which he charged 
$3 a night. The hall was used 245 times during 1910 for dances, 
receptions, etc., which made it possible for the piano to earn $735 
during that year. Although he has the exclusive refreshment 
privilege and abundant table facilities, Kinsella sells only soda 
water, ice cream, candy, peanuts and cigars during the summer 
season. There is no place in Humboldt Park where the public 
can obtain lunch or coffee, except during the skating season, when 
Kinsella meets the demand. Coffee and lunch should be served 
in this park, as in others, during the summer season. 



The Park Governments of Chicago 11 

The West Park stables have more men to care for 71 horses 
than the South Park Board finds necessary for 115, or the Lincoln 
Park Board for 85. The cost of forage per horse in the West 
Park system for 1910 was $40 (over 25 per cent) per horse higher 
than in either of the other two systems. The average prices paid 
for horses during 1910 was $310 by the West Park Board, $273 
by the Lincoln Park Board, and $269 by the South Park Board. 
Considering that horses of the same kind are used, the West 
Park system shows an excessive cost of approximately $40 per 
horse. Comparisons of labor cost per square yard of pavement 
laid by the different Park Boards show the highest cost or lowest 
efficiency in the West Park system. Following are the figures: 
West Park, 11.08 cents a square yard; Lincoln Park, 10.22 cents; 
South Park, 8.63 cents. 

3. The Lincoln Park System. 

The administration of the Lincoln Park system has been 
conservative, careful, and in the main creditable. The Lincoln 
Park extension work has been well conducted. The new bathing 
beach at the north end of Lincoln Park has been much appre- 
ciated by the public. While this Board has not been so aggressively 
brilliant as the South Park Board has been in certain respects, 
neither has it pursued a course to justify the criticisms that may 
be directed against either the South Park system or the West Park 
system. 

4. The Smaller Park Districts. 

Concerning the seven smaller park districts within the City 
of Chicago, there is little to be said, except that their Boards are 
sequestered bodies of which the taxpayers know little. It was 
with difficulty that the Bureau was able to gather the main facts 
about these bodies and their business affairs. These districts 
were called into existence to satisfy in a crude way the needs 
of communities not within any other park district. Obviously 
the best way to satisfy these needs is to make the city one park 
district, and to wipe out these smaller bodies that are destined 
if they continue to exist to escape public scrutiny and to prove 
wasteful and inefficient agencies for their purposes. 



12 Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency 

III. PUBLICITY FOR PARK BOARD AFFAIRS 
The administration of park affairs has not had in the past 
the degree of publicity that is desirable. A strong argument for 
consolidation of the Park Boards, with concentration of admin- 
istrative functions at the City Hall, is that it would tend to 
bring park matters more into the public eye. Neither newspaper 
reporters nor representatives of citizen organizations find it so 
easy to follow matters affecting the parks under separate Boards 
meeting in scattered places, as they would if there were centraliza- 
tion. 

It has been a frequent practice in the past for the Lincoln 
Park Commissioners and the South Park Commissioners to hold 
board meetings in private offices downtown, without public notice 

1 V"! ""L^^"'" °^ "'''*^"^- ^" "^^^tings should be held at 
the Board offices and should be open to the public, unless there 
should be a special reason for going into executive session upon 
a particular matter. The same rule should apply to committee 
meetings, where important matters may be considered by com- 
mittees. The West Park Board holds open meetings, but the 
important business is transacted first in secret sessions of the 
joint committees on finance and maintenance, comprising all the 
members of the Board. The proceedings in the open Board con- 
stitute merely the formal ratification of what has been agreed 
upon in secret session. On one occasion, when this joint com- 
mittee was considering a franchise grant to the Chicago Railways 
Company, a representative of the company was admitted, but 
others were excluded. 

The West Park Commissioners are the only park body in 
Chicago that publish the minutes of proceedings. The cost of such 
publication IS not large in comparison with the benefit to the 

^ [?; ur .°"'^ ^^'^ ^°^^^ ^"^ *he Lincoln Park Board 
ought to publish their proceedings in printed form. 

The procedure of all the Boards in passing ordinances is 
open to cnticisn. Often ordinances are passed the day of their 
mtroduction. The practice should be to print and postpone final 
consideration until the succeeding meeting. 



The Park Governments of Chicago 13 

IV. FINANCIAL MATTERS 

In 1909 the General Assembly of Illinois, as a means of 
increasing the borrowing power of cities, changed the revenue 
law so as to make the assessed value of property one-third of 
the full value, instead of one-fifth. The tax rates of all local 
taxing authorities were supposed to be changed to correspond, so 
that the maximum tax levy of each municipality would be the 
same under the new law as under the old. The only effect of 
the modifications of the statute, the community was assured, was 
to give larger borrowing powers. 

The inquiries conducted by the Bureau disclose that while 
the tax rates of the city, county and other local governing author- 
ities were modified so as to yield no more revenue under the 
new assessed value than under the old, the Park Boards were 
heavy gainers by the legislation. The tax rates of the South 
Park Board were not changed at all, so that that body has the 
right to levy the old rates against the higher assessed value of 
property. 

Under authority of this new legislation, not intended for its 
benefit at all, the South Park Board increased its tax levy for 
1910 by approximately $400,000. The South Park Board, more- 
over, is the only one of the local taxing bodies that suffers no 
actual scaling under the Juul law, but gets the full amount which 
it levies. 

Some of the tax rates of the West Park Board were modified 
in connection with the legislation changing the assessed value of 
property from one-fifth to one-third. Other rates of this body 
were left untouched. Under these conditions the West Park 
Board was enabled to increase its revenue from taxation for the 
year 1909 by $407,581, or 33 1/3 per cent over what it secured 
in 1908. The Lincoln Park Board, likewise, secured 36 per cent 
more revenue in 1909 than it had in 1908— an increase of 
$281,015. The rates of the small park districts were not changed 
to correspond with the bond legislation, so that these bodies, of 
which there are now seven, may levy upon the one-third value 
the rates intended to be applied to the one-fifth value. 

It was sharp practice on the part of all concerned to bring 



14 Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency 

about the heavy increase of taxation for park purposes as the 
result of legislation designed to have no other purpose than to 
give larger borrowing power. The Park Boards ought to make 
their action conform in the future to the spirit of that legislation. 
The levies should be such as to produce only the revenue that 
would be obtained if the valuation for taxing purposes had not 
been changed. 

In 1909, for some unexplained reason, the County Clerk, in 
spreading the tax levy, gave the South Park Board $50,534 more 
taxes than had been called for by the levy of the Board. 

Certain bond issues of the South Park Board and of the 
West Park Board, purporting to have been sold above par, were 
really disposed of below par, on account of the deferring of pay- 
ment of all or part of the purchase price for considerable periods 
of time without interest. 

Practically all of the funds of the South and West Park 
Boards are on deposit with a single bank, officers of which bank 
are bondsmen for the Treasurers of these two Boards. The Treas- 
urer of the South Park Board is one of the bondsmen for the 
Treasurer of the West Park Board, and vice versa. It is bad pol- 
icy to keep all the funds of a park district in a single bank ; and 
especially to concentrate in a single bank practically all of the 
funds of the two largest park districts. The policy of accepting 
personal bondsmen is questionable, especially where there is 
inter-relationship of bondsmen and Treasurers who are officers 
within a single bank holding large amounts of public funds. 

The Lincoln Park and Fernwood Park Boards have sinking 
funds that are deposited in bank and drawing only two per cent. 
Authority should be secured to invest such funds in securities 
bearing a higher rate of interest. 

The Lincoln Park Board is the only one to adopt a 
budget in advance of the making of the annual tax levy. The 
other Park Boards should put the budget system into use. 

V. IMPROVEMENTS PENDING UNIFICATION 

The great need of the Chicago Park situation, of course, is 
the merger of all park governments with the city. In the text of 



The Park Governments of Chicago 15 

this report ways are shown how, pending unification, the sepa- 
rate Park Boards may effect savings and bring about increased 
efficiency. The unnecessary use of automobiles and the excessive 
cost of poHce service constitute two of the most conspicuous 
examples of waste. 

Automobiles owned by the three Park Boards at the close 
of the fiscal year 1910 represented an original cost of $50,710. 
The expense of maintenance and operation for the year 1910 was 
$56,901, apportioned among the three Boards as follows: South 
Park, $30,848 ; West Park, $16,484; Lincoln Park, $9,569. Wher- 
ever automobiles are purchased and maintained at public expense 
there is a tendency to use them more than public business de- 
mands. A study of the situation indicates that the park auto- 
mobiles are no exception. The automobile expense to the Chicago 
city government became so excessive that all city-owned ma- 
chines were sold, except five for the use of the fire and police 
departments and the Special Park Commission. Automobile 
service has since been obtained by all city departments on requisi- 
tion through the purchasing agent. The total cost of such service 
to the entire city government during 1910 was only $8,195, as 
against a cost to the three Park Boards during the same period of 
owning and operating their machines of $56,901. The Bureau 
believes that reductions might be made in the number of machines 
owned and of chauffeurs employed by the Park Boards so 
as to effect a present salvage of approximately $8,000, and an 
annual saving in cost of maintenance and operation of $22,000, 
without impairing in any degree the efficiency of park work. To 
prevent the misuse of public automobiles, service records should 
be kept showing the necessity for use. Another method of keep- 
ing down expense would be to paint all machines owned by the 
Park Boards a distinctive color, with the name of the Board in 
large letters on both sides of each machine. 

The cost of park police service has been increasing at a 
rapid rate in recent years. The number of men on the police 
payrolls is larger than the requirements of the service call for. 
There is much needless duplication of work on the part of park 
and city policemen, especially in boulevard duty. Greater effi- 
ciency might be had at smaller cost by supplying some of the 



16 Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency 

park police with motorcycles. The saving that might be effected 
by the three Park Boards in cost of police service is estimated at 
not less than $60,000 a year. 

The efficiency of the working organization of each system has 
been impaired by the failure to delegate sufficient authority to 
department heads and to charge them with responsibility. Better 
results should be obtained if each of the three large Park Boards 
would adopt a more scientific form of organization. A suggested 
plan of reorganization for each Board is described and also 
charted in the report. 



\ 



WArOR 



CITY COUNCIL 



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CMICAOO BORCAU OF Public EFFiCitNCV 
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CHART OF ORGANIZATION UNDER CONSOLIDATION 

AS SUGGESTED BY THE 
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CHICAGO BUREAU 



OF 



PUBLIC EFFICIENCY 



Purposes as Stated in the 
Plan ot Organization 

(1) To scrutinize the systems of accounting in 
the eight local governments of Chicago. 

(2) To examine the methods of purchasing 
materials and supplies and letting and executing 
construction contracts in these bodies. 

(3) To examine the payrolls of these local 
governing bodies with a view of determining the 
efficiency of such expenditures. 

(4) To make constructive suggestions for im- 
provements in the directions indicated under 1, 2 
and 3, and to co-operate with public officials in 
the installation of these improved methods. 

(5) To furnish the public with exact informa- 
tion regarding public revenues and expenditures, 
and thereby promote efficiency and economy in 
the public service. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




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